Commons Governance Work Group

Proving Truth from Facts

The following report is a summary of the document, 'Tibet: Proving Truth from Facts,' released by the Tibetan Government-in-Exile on 7 July 1993. This document was written partly to answer China's White Paper, 'Tibet: Its Ownership and Human Rights Situation,' and partly in response to an increasing demand for information on the Tibetan situation.

Status of Tibet

Tibet's status at the time of the Chinese invasion in 1949 must be judged on the basis of Tibet's modern history rather than, as China tries to do, its ancient history. Tibet was independent at the time of China's invasion. It possessed all conditions of statehood under international law. China, however, contends that Tibet did not maintain international relations independently of China and that no country recognised Tibet's independence. Due to Tibet's isolationist policy, extensive international relations were not developed, but it did maintain bilateral relations with countries in the region, by whom it was, indeed, recognised. A study of Tibet's history reveals that Tibet at no time became an integral part of China. There were, in fact, times, such as in the seventh and eight centuries, when large parts of western China were part of the Tibetan empire. Today, despite more than 40 years of occupation, Tibet is an independent country under illegal occupation. This has been recognised by many, including the US Congress and the Parliament of Australia, as recently as 1992.

The Invasion and Illegal Annexation of Tibet: 1949-1951

China claims that the signing of the so-called 17-Point Agreement for the Liberation of Tibet in 1951 shows that the Tibetans not only agreed to, but invited the Chinese troops to 'liberate' Tibet. The Tibetan Government, however, was coerced into accepting the document and it was signed under the threat of all-out military conquest. Treaties imposed by the threat or use of force upon a country are not valid under international law, a statement that the Chinese Government agrees with.

National Uprising

Organised resistance to the Chinese occupation started as early as 1952, reached massive proportions in March 1959 when the Tibetan people rose up in desperation and hope, and has continued, primarily underground, ever since. From 1950 to 1959 Tibet unsuccessfully attempted to negotiate with China. The consequent uprising in 1959 was brutally put down by the PLA, which claimed to have killed over 87,000 Tibetans between March 1959 and October 1960 in Central Tibet alone. Thousands of Tibetans, including the Dalai Lama, fled into exile.

The consequences of the confrontation were devastating. Thousands were massacred, tens of thousands were taken to concentration camps or labour camps where most died, Tibetan cultural and religious institutions were destroyed and the population was subjected to terror campaigns and massive re-education efforts.

Traditional Society and Democratic Framework for Future Tibet

China has always tried to justify its policy in Tibet by painting the darkest picture of traditional Tibetan society. Tibetan society, before the Chinese invasion, was by no means perfect, which is why far-reaching reforms were initiated by the Dalai Lama in the early fifties. Whatever the case, no country can invade, occupy, annex and colonise another country just because its social structure does not please it.
In terms of social mobility and wealth distribution, traditional Tibet compared favourably with most Asian countries. The Dalai Lama attempted to introduce land reforms as well as creating a special reform committee which was authorised to hear and redress complaints by individuals against the state authorities. Famine and starvation were unheard of in independent Tibet.

Soon after his arrival in India, the Dalai Lama set up the Government-in-Exile and a series of democratic changes was initiated. A popularly elected body of people's representatives, known as the Assembly of Tibetan People¹s Deputies,was constituted and a draft constitution for the future Tibet promulgated. The constitution contained a clause whereby the executive powers of the Dalai Lama could be curtailed by a majority of two-thirds of the total members of the National Assembly.

In 1992 the Dalai Lama announced a Guideline for Tibet's future policy which provided that the future government of Tibet would be elected by the people on the basis of adult franchise. The Dalai Lama said he would not 'play any role in the future government of Tibet, let alone seek the Dalai Lama's traditional political position.' The Tibetan struggle is, thus, not for the resurrection of the traditional system as the Chinese claim.

Human Rights

The Chinese occupation of Tibet has been characterised by systematic and gross violations of human rights. This has resulted in the death of over 1.2 million Tibetans (one-sixth of the population) between 1951 and 1979 and exile of some 80,000. Human rights violations in Tibet are inextricably linked to China¹s colonial policy in Tibet, which cannot tolerate any form of opposition to Chinese absolute rule over this territory. Organisations, such as Amnesty International and Asia Watch, have documented and reported widespread abuses against individual Tibetans and the Tibetan people, their culture and religion. Various United Nations bodies have also continued to hear and consider evidence of human rights abuses in Tibet.

Socio-economic Conditions

Chinese leaders tend to boast about the great social and economic benefits China has brought to the 'backward' Tibetans. Under Chinese rule, roads, airfields, power stations and bridges have been built in Tibet and in recent months the country has been opened to foreign investment for faster economic development. Yet this limited development primarily benefits the Chinese colonialists, Government and military rather than the Tibetan people.

The Tibetan population is still among the poorest in the world, the literacy rate of Tibetans in Tibet (as opposed to those in exile) is shockingly low, unemployment among Tibetans (as opposed to Chinese settlers) in Tibet is growing fast, and in all walks of life, Tibetans are subjected to discrimination.

Religion and National Identity

Buddhism is much more than a mere system of beliefs for the Tibetans; it encompasses the entirety of their culture and civilisation and constitutes the very essence of their lives. Tibetan national identity became indistinguishable from its religion.

Soon after the invasion of Tibet, the Chinese authorities began to undermine the traditional social system and religion of Tibet. Monasteries, temples and cultural centres were systematically looted and destroyed in eastern Tibet. This was accompanied by public condemnation of religion and humiliation and ridicule of religious persons. By 1959 there were a total of 6,259 monasteries with about 592,558 resident monks and nuns. By 1976 only eight monastic institutions remained. Since 1979, some superficial religious freedom was allowed. This included selected renovation of places of worship and allowing people to indulge in rituals like prostrations, circumambulations, etc. But the propagation of the teachings of the Buddha is discouraged and strictly controlled by the Chinese authorities. Admission to monasteries is controlled, the number of monks limited, political indoctrination is undertaken and the management of monasteries is placed in the hands of a maze of state bureaucracies.

Population Transfer

In many regions of Tibet and in the urban areas, Tibetans are already greatly outnumbered by Chinese settlers and administrators. All instruments of political, economic, social and even cultural power in Tibet are in the hands of the Chinese. In reality Tibetans are fast being marginalised and becoming second-class citizens in their own country. The population transfer policy is carried out with the help of Government incentive programs for Chinese to relocate in Tibet. Higher wages, special housing, business and pension benefits are but some of the incentives provided. China's fourth population census in 1990 put the Chinese population (including a small number of Mongols) in the Tibetan provinces of Kham and Amdo at 4,927,369. However, it is said that there is at least one unregistered Chinese for every two registered ones.
The policy and practice of population transfer is not only a violation of the Fourth 1949 Geneva Convention, it also constitutes a violation of the human rights of the people into whose territory the settlers are being transferred. In Tibet, population transfer presents the greatest threat to the survival of the Tibetan people and culture and is therefore a form of ethnic submersion and cultural genocide.

Environment

The Chinese occupation and militarisation of Tibet, the large influx of Chinese settlers and the colonial exploitation of Tibet's natural resources is having devastating effects on the environment. Deforestation and the degradation of grasslands or their conversion into farmland for Chinese settlers has lead to serious soil degradation and erosion. Nuclear testing and weapons production, uranium mining and dumping of hazardous waste is having predictably dangerous effects on human and animal life in some parts of Tibet.

Militarisation

Chinese control in Tibet has been and continues to be maintained by a large military force. The number of PLA troops and other security forces varies, but in the entire area of Tibet there are, at any rate, several hundred thousand well-armed and -equipped men. Lhasa is virtually surrounded by military camps and the inner city has a heavy presence of special armed police and undercover security personnel. In the north of Tibet, China has nuclear installations and testing grounds. China's Ninth Academy, located in Dhashu (Haiyan) in the northeastern Tibetan province of Amdo, remains today an important and high security military weapons plant.

The militarisation of Tibet not only represents an oppressive burden on Tibetans and a source of fear and terror, it is also a source of instability and potential conflict in the region.

Quest for Solution

The Dalai Lama and his Government have repeatedly made efforts to find a negotiated solution to the grave situation in Tibet. In 1979, China's supreme leader, Deng Xiaoping, stated that anything except total independence of Tibet could be discussed and resolved. Although this has remained the stated position of the Chinese government, China has consistently behaved contrary to that position.

The Dalai Lama's desire to seek a peaceful negotiated solution is well known and has earned him the Nobel Peace Prize and numerous other awards. In 1980, the Dalai Lama proposed sending teachers to Tibet from among well-educated Tibetan refugees to help improve the education of young Tibetans. In 1987, the Dalai Lama announced a Five-Point Peace Plan and a year later elaborated on the plan in a speech delivered in Strasbourg which contained far reaching concessions. Despite the fact that all these initiatives fell well within China's stated policy, the Chinese Government refused to come to the negotiating table. The Chinese have always raised obstacles or set conditions that cannot be met. In 1993 the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan Government-in-Exile proposed to send a high-level delegation to Beijing to attempt to open an official dialogue. At the time of writing, China has yet to propose a date.

Hope for the survival of Tibet and its people and culture now lies in the ability of the international community to persuade China that it should act with moderation, respect the Tibetan people's rights and enter into negotiations with representatives of the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan people in order to seek a peaceful and mutually acceptable solution, in keeping with the legitimate rights and aspirations of the Tibetan people.

[Source: www.freetibet.org]