Return to Files & Photos for group Insulating the Third Rail--Human OverpopulationFile Info
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About
births per woman—have dramatic effects
on population size and are therefore the
focus of much research, analysis, and
debate among demographers. The com-
plex and unpredictable nature of fertility
rates makes this debate far from academ-
ic: National and international health, eco-
nomic, and other policies and programs
may be based on expected changes in
population size.
When demographers prepare popula-
tion projections for developing countries,
they generally assume that fertility will
decline as it has in many of those coun-
tries in past decades. How far and how
fast it will fall remains uncertain. In the
past, many projections routinely assumed
that fertility would settle at the “replace-
ment level,” usually about two children
per woman. At that level, population size
eventually stabilizes.
In many industrialized countries and
some developing countries such as China
and Thailand, average fertility is now well
below the two-child average. Because
these low fertility levels lead to popula-
tion decline sooner or later, some reports
have sounded alarms about the possibili-
ty of a worldwide “birth dearth.” The
majority of the world’s countries, howev-
er, have fertility above the two-child aver-
age and large numbers of women of
reproductive age due to higher fertility in
the past. Thus, global population growth
is ensured for many decades.
The United Nations population pro-
jection often considered tobe the most
likely (the “medium” projection) assumes
thatfertility in developing countries will
drop to an average of2.1children per
woman by 2050 and eventually to 1.85.
Aswith any projection, such assumptions
may prove correct for some countries but
not for others. Although the 1980s and
1990s saw rapid fertility decline in many
countries, fertility now stands at 3.0 in
developing countries, and the pace of
decline tends to slow as countries reach
lower fertility levels.
In a recent analysis of survey data
between 1990 and 2003 in developing
countries, demographer John Bongaarts
of the Population Council found that
some had not yet experienced fertility
decline while others had “stalled” in their
transition from high to low fertility.
Countries such as Burkina Faso, Mali,
Mozambique, Niger, and Uganda are very
poor countries with high fertility that
remained virtually unchanged from one
survey to the next in the late 1990s. In
“stalled” countries, such as the
Dominican Republic, Ghana, Kenya, and
Turkey, fertility rates settled in a range
from 2.5 children per woman (Turkey) to
4.7 children (Kenya) after earlier substan-
tial declines. The accompanying graph
illustrates different patterns of fertility
decline: little or no decline in Uganda,
rapid fertility decline in Iran, the stall in
Kenya, and a stall followed by resumption
of fertility decline inBangladesh.
Bongaarts found that factors associ-
ated with fertility decline—contraceptive
use and a desire for fewer children—also
remained nearly unchanged in the stalled
countries. Similarly, unintended births
and unmet need for contraception
remained high in these countries.
(“Unmet need” is the proportion of
women who prefer to avoid a pregnancy
but are not using contraception.) In
Ghana, Kenya, and the Dominican
Republic, socioeconomic improvements,
such as increases in per capita income
and education, stagnated as well.
These findings suggest that further
investments in socioeconomic develop-
ment, as well as improvements in contra-
ceptive access and supply, will be needed
in these stalled countries to reduce unin-
tended births and continue on the path of
fertility decline. In Africa, the HIV/AIDS
epidemic could also bring a slowdown in
socioeconomic progress and an increase
in couples’ desire for children. In some
countries, the stall in fertility decline may
be temporary, while in others the stall may
continue for years, depending on trends
in the factors that influence childbearing.



